Tejashwi Yadav on Bihar 2025: “We have something more powerful than the BJP machinery”

You have finally been declared the Chief Ministerial face of the Mahagathbandhan, and the alliance’s manifesto has been named “Tejashwi Pran”. Are you nervous? The responsibility for the Mahagathbandhan’s performance now seems to rest on you. Is Tejashwi Yadav ready to be the main challenger to the BJP-NDA’s election machinery in Bihar?

I am not nervous; I am energised. The responsibility is daunting, but the manifesto shows the alliance’s confidence in our vision. We are all coordinating and working closely. As for challenging the so-called massive election machinery, let us not forget they got a seat less than the RJD in the last Assembly election. So, I do not underestimate the opposition, but I also do not overestimate it. We have something more powerful than the BJP machinery; the anger people have against the destruction this machinery has unleashed on Bihar. Plus, we are receiving excellent response from the people for our positive agenda and this response cuts across all caste and class boundaries.

The NDA umbrella is bigger this time compared with 2020. Chirag Paswan is contesting as part of the NDA. Is that worrying, given that last time his contesting against the JD(U) helped the Mahagathbandhan in a large number of Assembly seats? That advantage no longer exists. The difference between the NDA and the opposition coalition was 0.03 per cent in vote share and 15 seats in 2020.

This time the anti-incumbency is much stronger than 2020. However, I would urge you to revisit your calculations on all the seats the Mahagathbandhan had contested in 2020 and how the difference played. That shall help you see the greater reality of how Bihar polls. NDA being bigger does not mean they are stronger. It means they are more desperate, trying to cobble together anyone they can. Our alliance is ideologically coherent, theirs is just about power. The margins will be different this time because the anger against the government, as I mentioned earlier, is palpable. And I must add the anger is much more against the often-repeated double engine.

The Mahagathbandhan seems to have invested quite a lot in Mukesh Sahani, going to the extent of declaring him a deputy chief ministerial candidate. The BJP would have assessed his impact in the 2020 Assembly election and let him go. Do you think Sahani will be a significant factor in the Mahagathbandhan’s showing?

The BJP is not the beginning or end of political thinking, as your question makes it out to be. BJP letting him go was their mistake—they do not value alliance partners, but we do. Mukesh ji’s Vikassheel Insaan Party (VIP) joining us is about social inclusion and giving representation to a community that has been marginalised and excluded so far. Every community, every leader adds to the coalition and its rainbow character. It is not just about numbers; it is about sending a message of inclusivity.

Many doubts are being raised about your promise of jobs—one government job in each family without such employment—and other financial doles you have announced. How will you get the money? Can the State exchequer bear this burden? With hardly any industry and agriculture output very low, people are questioning where you will raise the money.

The current model of austerity and doles that the NDA is pushing is a right-wing policy that has failed everywhere in the world. After every economic crisis, what worked was public spending, job creation, social security; not cutting back social spending and giving handouts. What we are proposing is public investment in employment, which has a multiplier effect on the economy. Also, it is an investment, not just expenditure. It is largely about reorienting priorities and phased implementation. The real question is, can Bihar afford another five years of unemployment and youth exodus? Can Bihar live with despair and hopelessness anymore? That’s the cost we should be calculating and working to mitigate.

The RJD has for decades been identified as a Muslim-Yadav party. How do you go beyond that? This base is not enough to make you a winner. In the last two elections, I see the RJD reaching out to Kushwahas. But the BJP has wooed back Upendra Kushwaha, the known Kushwaha face in the State, and also promoted Samrat Choudhary. Do you not think your Kushwaha outreach stands nullified to a great extent?

We have always been a party of social justice for all, not just particular communities. Look at our cadres, our manifesto, our ticket distribution—it is very diverse. Yes, Rashtriya Lok Samta Party is with them, but communities do not vote as monoliths. Kushwahas, like every other community, vote on development and opportunities. We have strong Kushwaha leaders with us, and more importantly, we have an agenda that appeals across communities. And I request you to wait for a few days and you would see that RJD and the Mahagathbandhan represents all Biharis.

“Muslim-Yadav” reminds us that the Mahagathbandhan declared Mukesh Sahani a deputy chief ministerial candidate. The RJD and, for that matter, the entire Mahagathbandhan came under attack for ignoring the numerically more significant Muslims’ claim for the deputy chief ministership. Chirag Paswan reminded how the RJD had in February 2005 stonewalled his father Ram Vilas Paswan’s bid to install a Muslim Chief Minister. Asaduddin Owaisi accused the Mahagathbandhan of taking Muslims for a ride. How do you counter that?

Coalition politics requires balancing multiple interests and communities. There are many important positions in government, not just one or two at the top. Every community that is part of our alliance will get appropriate representation based on the overall framework. Our commitment to all our support bases remains strong and, if there is any doubt, our track record speaks for itself. Positions and responsibilities will be worked out keeping the broader picture in mind. Muslims have been central to our paradigm and I can commit that they shall find a great face and a voice in our scheme of things. As for external criticism, that’s natural in politics—everyone has their own political calculations and agendas.

In the last Assembly election, All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen won five seats in Seemanchal. It is contesting again after being snubbed by the Mahagathbandhan for an alliance. Do you see it repeating its performance this time, and if not, why?

We are working hard in Seemanchal, addressing people’s concerns directly. I do not think they will repeat the same performance. People want a government that can actually deliver, not just [be a] symbolic representation and the same dog-whistling how Modi ji’s party does. And I must tell you I have different and specific plans for each distinctive regions of Bihar, and that shall be implemented within sixty days of the formation of our government.

Prashant Kishor seems to be emerging as a third angle in the State election this time. Do you fear the anti-incumbency votes could get divided? He is young and getting a lot of traction on social media. Do you apprehend that Kishor can attract a substantial number of voters, especially young ones?

Prashant Kishor has never contested elections, never won elections, never governed. Please forgive me for saying this that he is an elitist project sponsored by vested interest groups against the politics of subalterns. On a different note, social media presence does not translate to votes automatically. Ultimately it is a two-way contest. It is a contest between Babasaheb’s Constitution and its power and the Sangh’s contempt for him and the Constitution.

You made a lot of noise around the BJP’s plan to dump Nitish Kumar after the election. But now all NDA allies and even some BJP leaders are on record saying Nitish will be Chief Minister after the election. Does that take the sting out of your campaign?

Actions speak louder than words. It is clear that they have sidelined Nitish ji. His influence has clearly diminished. After elections, if NDA wins, BJP will do what suits them. Everyone knows this. Nitish ji also knows this very well. These statements are just to keep the alliance afloat. My criticism remains valid. Nitish ji has compromised Bihar’s interests for his ambition, and it is not the same Nitish ji who had taken a principled position in 2013-14. Have things changed with BJP? Yes, things have changed with JD(U) which is being controlled by people who report to BJP 24/7.

The NDA is back to its “jungle raj” campaign against the RJD and is pushing it after you were made the chief ministerial face of the Mahagathbandhan. How do you counter this perception? The “Y” of Muslim-Yadav, which is your key support base, also creates some apprehension among others, especially the intermediary backward classes. Is the image a big issue for the RJD?

I have studied this pattern extensively recently, and it is equivalent to racism. Everywhere in the world, when historically marginalised communities aspire to power or assume leadership, they’re smeared as inefficient, dangerous, corrupt. Look at how Black politicians in America were portrayed during Reconstruction. It’s the same playbook. Those who hold monopoly over power cannot accept others rising. This “Jungle Raj” narrative is that same casteist smear. When backward [communities] and Dalits got political representation, suddenly it became “chaos” but whose law and order was it before? It was order for some, oppression for others. Media reproducing or participating in this smear campaign is most unfortunate. People remember our actual governance. They also remember the current government’s failures in law and order. As for Yadav identity creating apprehension, that’s casteist thinking that BJP actively promotes and benefits from. I am Tejashwi Yadav but I will be Chief Minister for all Biharis. My policies, my vision is for everyone. Judge me on my work, my articulation, my plans, and not on my caste. Those playing this card are desperate and regressive.

Why will people vote for you? What are the reasons you believe can push youngsters to vote for the RJD?

Employment. That is the number one issue. Young people see their future in Bihar, not outside. We are offering concrete plans. Beyond employment, we represent change, fresh thinking, and a government that listens. Young people are frustrated with the current dispensation’s failures. They want a leader who understands their aspirations.

Is secularism any longer an issue in the Bihar election? What, according to you, is the most important issue in the Bihar election, and how do you see the RJD becoming the first choice of voters on that count?

Secularism is always relevant because it is about peaceful coexistence, about inclusive development. Employment and development are dominating issues. People want jobs, they want infrastructure, and they want functioning schools and hospitals. On these counts, current government has failed completely. Mahagathbandhan becomes first choice because we are offering solutions while others are offering slogans.  

How is this election in Bihar different from other elections in the past? Why do you think Modi’s magic will not work?

The youth demographic is different this time. More young voters who are desperate for opportunities. The anger against unemployment is unprecedented. Prime Minister Modi’s so-called “magic” worked because like all magic tricks it was an illusion. He promised development but those promises have not materialised. Bihar has not seen the benefits of NDA rule at the Centre or State. People are questioning what they got in return for their votes. That changes the dynamics completely.

How do you see the friendly fights among Mahagathbandhan parties and also the internal dissension in parties over ticket distribution?

These friendly fights are being blown out of proportion by media and opposition. On ground, our workers understand the priority. Come election day, we will be fighting together against the real opponent.

Do you not feel the revival of corruption charges against you and your family members can help the NDA recall the fodder scam narrative and paint your party negatively?

This is the same pattern I was talking about with the “Jungle Raj” smear. When you can’t fight on issues, you drag along politically motivated charges that come up conveniently before elections. It is the same playbook. What is most anguishing is how media keeps rehearsing the same stale thinking again and again, becoming a megaphone for these narratives instead of questioning them. Let them keep talking about past and keep recycling the same prejudices—we’ll talk about Bihar’s future and what young people actually care about. The courts will decide what they decide.

Prashant Kishor has often mocked you and Samrat Choudhary over your degrees. Is he not better placed than the two of you? Do you think this issue has any resonance in the Bihar election?

This is elitist thinking that does not resonate on ground. Prashant ji may choose to ignore this but you and everybody else know the vital difference between degree and knowledge and also between college/university education and understanding of real-life concerns. Bihar needs a Chief Minister who understands Bihar. I have experience of governance. I have connected with people for last so many years. Degrees matter but they are not everything.

Tej Pratap Yadav seems very bitter against you. Does his contesting against your party not make the RJD family look divided? Why did you not try to bury differences and put up a united face?

People of Raghopur know me and they will judge me on my work for them. This is being sensationalised but on ground it is not as big an issue as media makes it. Family matters will be sorted within family.

After the 2020 State election, the RJD blamed the Congress for stopping the Mahagathbandhan juggernaut. Do you not think it can repeat this time?

Did I ever [blame Congress]? Please do not allow media gossip to allow the central rostrum. This time, we’ve had extensive discussions and coordination is better. Every party in alliance is putting its best effort. Overall, I’m confident the alliance will perform cohesively. We are not going into this with blame game mentality. We are going in to win and enhance the collective footprint of the alliance.

Why will people not vote for Nitish Kumar? I do not see any anger against him on the ground. Do you see any? What factor can turn people against Nitish Kumar?

Perhaps you are not going to the right places. There is anger about development promises that have not materialised, about botched up prohibition policy, about worsening law and order situation. Nitish ji has been reduced to a rubber stamp in the NDA. People see him as someone who betrayed their mandate multiple times for power. That perception is damaging him significantly. And the treatment of BJP for Nitish ji is something which hurts me though I am fighting against him.